Anna’s Movement’s Good Signs
Dr. Manmohan Vaidya
Anna
Hazare led Anti-Corruption campaign has been an unusual experience for Indians
nationwide, particularly the young. Anna’s completely non-violent movement that
found support from all sections of the society throughout the country was a
pleasant experience. Slogans like ‘Bharat Mata ki jai’ and ‘Vande Mataram’ that
reverberated through the campaign almost became the catch phrases for citizens
filled with a sense of nationalism and patriotism. The campaign coined its own
metaphor and has left its own lessons that could serve as reference points for
the future.
Connect with the new
generation
Many would have believed that the young in India,
often described as a 3-F generation are people only interested in the 3Fs
‘Films, Facebook and Fashion’ and bother little about the country’s politics. With
Anna’s campaign that opinion stands corrected. Anna’s anti-corruption drive
brought these very youngsters out on the streets, armed with the Indian
tricolour, shouting ‘Bharat Mata ki Jai’ quietly underlining a non-violent show
of their strength. With this campaign, the youth of the country proved that
when thrown a challenge they are willing to stand up and show the power that a
united youth commands in India .
The campaign also revealed that when a parliamentary
democracy stops understanding popular sentiment and turns apathetic towards the
needs of its people, people’s power can show the way, forcing an apathetic
government to listen to people’s emotions and understand the sentiments of the
populace.
Not just that. Anna’s campaign much like the Youth
Against Corruption and Baba Ramdev’s campaign against corruption also
established the fact that the people in the country are both seriously worried
and agitated over the issue of corruption. It also established that people were
no longer ready to sit quiet and accept rampant corruption in the country. They
were willing to come out and make themselves heard.
While the country was experiencing a new found
awakening, ministers in the government were still arrogant. The government’s
attitude towards both Anna Hazare’s movement and Baba Ramdev’s campaign was
unbecoming, intolerant and oppressive. Yet, finally it was people’s power that
forced an arrogant government to relent, reconsider its decision and chart out
a compromise. And this perhaps was the greatest success of Anna’s movement. For
it gave the confidence to ordinary people that if they stand united and adopt
non-violent means of protest, they can actually bend an unjust government and
be heard.
Sangh’s Role in the Movement
A section of people tried dragging the Rashtriya
Swayamsewak Sangh(RSS) into a controversy with the Anna Hazare campaign. While
the attempt was mostly unsuccessful, the truth is that Anna Hazare has never
been associated with the RSS at the organisational level. Given his success
quotient and impressed with the developmental work done by Anna Hazare in his
village Ralegan Siddhi, the
RSS had only sought Anna’s guidance and help in rural development projects. As
an attempt to present Anna’s successful rural development model to the country,
then Sarkaryavah(general secretary) of RSS
shri H V Sheshadri had penned a book
called ‘Ek Karmyogi Ka Gaon’ on Anna’s own village Ralegan Siddhi back then. A
number of RSS workers
had even travelled to Anna’s
village at that time, to get a first hand experience of work done by Anna
there.
In its National Conclave(ABPS) held in March 2011,
RSS had passed a resolution on corruption and discussed various effective ways
and solutions to tackle the menace of corruption in the country. In this resolution the RSS has called upon all
Indians to support and participate in all anti-corruption campaigns in the country.
Accordingly, the Swayamsevaks of RSS throughout the country had supported and participated in all anti-graft
campaigns including the one lead by Anna.
Worshipping the Motherland
Another good result of the Anna campaign was the
fact that slogans like ‘Bharat Mata ki Jai’ and ‘Vande Mataram’ became common
anthems and found wider acceptability with people as they echoed through the
campaign. An attempt was also made to malign the two slogans by calling them
anti-Islam but the propaganda did not find support from either the common
people or the organizers of the campaign. Calling these slogans anti-Islam is a
product of communal and divisive thinking. The good part is that the thinking
did not find favour even with the Muslims. Few others called ‘Vande Mataram’ an
RSS slogan, and thereby communal. But since when did respecting the
motherland and singing praise for one’s country become communal? Worshipping the motherland is
an age old tradition in India. ‘Vande Mataram’ had become an anthem for the
Freedom Struggle all across the country even before 1925 when the RSS was
established. That’s the reason why the British had banned the singing of ‘Vande
Mataram’ in 1905. In the year1907, as a student of Class X, RSS founder Dr
Hedgewar, sang ‘Vande Mataram’ in school as a mark of rebellion against the
British ban also proving his utter patriotism.
Dr Hedgewar was duly punished for his defiance.
The Journey of Vande Mataram
Vande Mataram was written by Bankim Chandra
Chatterjee on November 7,
1876 . It was included in the famous novel Anandmath in 1882. In
1886, Rabindranath Tagore sang Vande Mataram in the Congress Convention held in
Kolkata. Dakshranjan Sen got Congressmen to practice collective singing of Vande Mataram in the 1901 Congress
Convention. In the Banares Congress Convention held in1905, Rabindranath
Tagore’s niece Sarladevi sang Vande Mataram despite the ban put by the British
government on the singing of the song.
The same year, when the British proposed the
division of Bengal , Vande Mataram became the
anthem of that movement that opposed the division. As Hindus and Muslims sang
Vande Mataram together, in the face of relentless opposition, the British
withdrew their proposal for the division of Bengal
in 1911. After the Bengal success, Vande Mataram became the anthem for patriotism
and the battle cry for freedom struggle. From 1915 onwards, the singing of
Vande Mataram became a regular feature at all national conventions of the Congress.
At that time, Vande Mataram was considered neither anti-Islam nor communal. At
that time, Hindu -Muslims would not just sing Vande Mataram together but Vande
Mataram also became the last words uttered by many freedom fighters that the
British punished by hanging to death.
Communal-Divisive Thinking
However in 1921, when the Khilafat Movment found
support from the Congress, hardliners amongst the Muslims gained importance and
prominence. This is when hardliners started opposing Vande Mataram calling it
anti-Islam and communal. In 1923, in the Kakinada National Convention of the
Congress, the party’s then president, Mohammad Ali overtly opposed Vande
Mataram. Under pressure from the hardliners and communally inclined people
within the Muslim community, the Congress stopped singing Vande Mataram at its
conventions. While there are hardliners in every society, it’s best for every
national representation and awakened society to ignore such hardliners. Unfortunately,
since 1921, this communal and divisive approach gained strength. As a result,
despite the lack of inclination from the entire national leadership of the
Congress, they had to accept India ’s
partition.
For vested political gains, hardliners and those
with a communal mindset kept getting importance even after the partition. After
the Emergency of 1975, communal and divisive forces were allowed to become more powerful in the guise of secularism. Given
that background, Anna’s movement was the first time after Independence that the society as one kept
communal and divisive forces aside and maintained one national voice.
Everyone’s Bharatmata
There were many who also tried to drag the RSS into
a controversy over the issue of Bharatmata. The first leg of Anna Hazare’s
Anti-Corruption movement held at Jantar Mantar had a picture of BharatMata in
the background. The picture had not been kept there by the RSS. Yet it was said
that the BharatMata picture at Anna’s stage was a picture popularised and
presented by the RSS. Does Bharatmata
belong only to the swayamsewaks of the Sangh? Bharatmata belongs to every
Indian in India .
The tradition to eulogize India as one’s ‘Maatribhoomi, Karmabhoomi and Punyabhoomi’ has been an old one.
In 1897, when Swami Vivkeanand came back to India
from America, he got off the ship he was travelling back in and prostrated on
the sea shore as a mark of respect to the motherland and sprinkled sand on his body . As he got up, the wet sand
of the seashore had got stuck to his clothes, prompting the many bystanders to
ask him why had he done so? To which Swami Vivekanand responded by saying, ‘‘I
have stayed away from the motherland in
America for four years, from 1893 to
1897. During this time if I have acquired any bad habits then this touch of the
motherland will cleanse me of all that.’’ In a public speech later, he called
upon all Indians, urging them to keep aside their personal Gods and Goddesses
for the next 50 years and only worship one Goddess-Bharatmata. Was Swami
Vivekananda communal? In fact by this he had appealed all countrymen to rise
above the petty differences of caste, creed, religion and language and unite as
children of one motherland to fight for the freedom of the country as one
united people.
Learn From History
It is true that even the RSS has been successful in its
attempt to unite people with the common emotional thread of ‘this is our Bharatmata, all of us her children
and therefore brothers’, helping them rise over their caste, creed, language
and religious differences. How can it be
called divisive or communal? In fact this is the only sure shot cure for
communalism and divisiveness.
In the second leg of Anna Hazare’s Anti-Corruption
movement, the picture of Bharatmata was missing. Bharatmata’s picture had been
replaced by a picture of Mahatma Gandhi. Could the organizers not have placed
both the pictures of Bharatmata and Mahatma Gandhi there, together? It is true
that the decision to place a particular picture on the stage rests with the
organizers of the movement. It is also true that even if Bharatmata’s picture
was replaced by Mahatma Gandhi, the movement led by Anna Hazare does not become
less important. But to remove Bharatmata’s picture over the argument that it
belongs to the Sangh and therefore communal is very unfortunate and alarming. This
would be against India’s age old tradition of conduct and thought and proof
that we haven’t learnt our lessons from history.
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